In New Zealand, a small country in the heart of the Pacific, questions of economic and ecological survival loom large. Global forces including climate change and collapsing ecosystems, pandemics, shifting markets, identity politics and geo-political conflicts have local impacts that seem at once catastrophic and out of control.

Faced with these challenges, our leaders often seem adrift, grasping at strategies that are both ideological and self-defeating – tax cuts, a ‘small’ state and ‘free’ markets that are supposed to deliver personal liberty, but in fact generate collapsing infrastructure, precarious employment and financial insecurity for all but small elites: or top-down, ‘managerial’ bureaucracies that are supposed to deliver social services, but sometimes seem self-serving instead.

Voters are also confused and conflicted, looking for clear-cut choices (left vs right; Māori vs Pākehā) or someone to blame (biased media or business lobbyists, ‘woke’ intellectuals or neo-liberal think tanks, take your pick).

In a complex world, though, such simplicities lack conviction for all but the most ideologically minded. Most New Zealanders find themselves in a sceptical middle ground, mistrusting the fanatics and looking for leadership that avoids the extremes.

MMP was supposed to deliver this kind of outcome, a balance of powers that thwarts political excesses. When a global pandemic delivered the last Labour government an absolute majority, however, they exceeded their mandate on a range of ideological issues, flirting with a racially ‘split state’, building centralised, top-down bureaucracies in health, water services and technical education, and almost fatally undermining local governance in the process.

Not surprisingly, in the recent election, they were roundly defeated. Again, however, it is questionable whether MMP is working to deliver a balance of forces that empowers the middle ground. 

In the past month, the new coalition Government has laid out a 100-day manifesto that also exceeds its mandate on a range of ideological issues – flirting with climate denial and a referendum on the Treaty of Waitangi, for example, while decentralising health, water services and polytechnic education and repealing environmental legislation without providing workable alternatives and making cuts to public services to provide tax cuts that will almost certainly leave most Kiwi families worse off overall.

In the process of building a coalition under MMP, those at the political margins won concessions unwarranted by their level of electoral support, and this poses a risk to democracy in New Zealand. It also places the new Prime Minister, a relatively inexperienced politician, in a difficult position. If his Government is to endure, they must deliver positive outcomes to Kiwi families, communities and landscapes in fact, not in ideological fiction.

In the US, it is now commonplace to talk about ‘post-neoliberalism’, although given New Zealand’s distance from metropolitan centres, that message of philosophical demise may not yet have landed on our shores. At the same time, no clear ‘left-wing’ doctrine has emerged as a credible alternative.

For New Zealand, a small, intimate society, this may be a good thing. Rather than lurching from left to right, from one political extreme to another, our most successful governments have been practical and adaptive, not ideologically driven, trying to find out what works best for Kiwi individuals, families, communities and businesses. 

Unlike ‘tit for tat’ politics, this kind of grounded, empirical approach is more likely to use scarce resources wisely. It also has the advantage of building on core values rooted in this nation’s history. In this last place of any size on earth to be found and settled by human beings, our ancestors had to be innovative and successful to survive.

When the ancestors of Māori arrived in Aotearoa, they found plants, animals, climate and landscapes very different from those in their tropical homelands. In a very short time, perhaps just 800 years, they’d invented new agricultural, building and seafaring technologies, a new language and new ways of thinking, based on ancestral precedents but adapted to new challenges and conditions.

According to the origin stories, these first settlers were driven from their homelands or went exploring to see what was across the horizon. Often their home societies were relatively hierarchical, and some left to make new lives for themselves and their families.

Much the same is true of the settlers who arrived from Europe some 600 years later. They also came from homelands with plants, animals, climates and landscapes very different from those in New Zealand, and had to adapt in ways based on ancestral precedents, but in response to new challenges and conditions.

When it became clear that the new arrivals were increasing in numbers, the rangatira of the various kin groups signed Te Tiriti o Waitangi, an agreement with Queen Victoria that gave the Queen kāwanatanga, the right to govern; while promising the hapū the tino rangatiratanga, absolute chieftainship of their lands and ancestral treasures; and ngā tāngata māori (indigenous persons) absolute equality with the incoming settlers – a classic balance of powers.

Like the ancestors of Māori, the new arrivals from Europe had often been driven from their homelands (the Irish and Highland Scots, for example) or sought to escape social hierarchies to make new lives for themselves and their families. This led to violent clashes over land and different ways of living, but also flurries of invention and co-adaptation as increasingly diverse whakapapa lines (from the Pacific, Asia and elsewhere) entangled.

Black and white histories, left and right polarities and self-interested elites who seek to create new feudal hierarchies do not sit well with these legacies from our distant and more recent past. A focus on delivering a successful, egalitarian society and what works best for diverse individuals, families, communities and landscapes would be salutary, and welcome.

As a New Year’s resolution for a new Prime Minister, it would be great to see evidence of good outcomes the key driver for policy in New Zealand. Most Kiwis want a peaceful, creative and prosperous country; flourishing waterways and landscapes, and infrastructure and institutions that work well, not radical disparities of wealth and power, divisive posturing and populist rhetoric.

A polarised Parliament in which ‘the government’ and ‘opposition’ are at each other’s throats may not be the best way to realise these aspirations. As Sir Peter Gluckman has recently suggested, citizens’ assemblies, in which a representative range of New Zealanders explore key issues and arrive at recommendations by consensus – rather like debates on marae – might be more effective in dealing with difficult challenges.

The more the new Government reaches across social, economic, and philosophical divides in search of good ways forward, the better. They need to be inclusive, and govern for all New Zealanders. As they say, Nā tou rourou, nā taku rourou, ka ora ai te iwi – with your food basket and mine, the people will thrive.

Anne Salmond is a Distinguished Professor at the University of Auckland, and was the 2013 New Zealander of the Year. She became a Dame in 1995 under National, and was awarded the Order of New Zealand in...

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7 Comments

  1. Happy New Year! This may seem an oblique comment but the ongoing adversarial pattern in our Parliament is down to the character of our debating chamber. Just before MMP came in, I said to Rod Donald that there was a problem in keeping its configuration in old Westminster style – of seating directly opposing MPs. But the chamber had only recently been renovated and Rod said there would be little chance of changing it to the German Bundestag style – one large semi-circle facing the Speaker and officials and MPs speaking to the whole Parliament from a podium. While MPs here still have the opportunity to shout and pull faces at each other directly across the aisle, we will continue to encourage bipartisanship. Just a thought!

  2. I would say that the fact that there has been no ‘clear ‘left-wing’ doctrine’ to emerge as a viable alternative to neoliberalism is the reason the world is in peril. There is no route to a sustainable civilisation via the current global economic model, the one which was so enthusiastically hoisted upon us some forty years ago and has remained firmly in place ever since. There will be no ‘focus on delivering a successful, egalitarian society and what works best for diverse individuals, families, communities and landscapes’ so long as this model continues. The young people of Aotearoa/New Zealand know this instinctively, it seems to me, without even understanding the workings of neoliberalism, and are starting to form a political landscape with which to deal with the mayhem that is current politics. That’s why they’re leaving Labour and National and are attempting to drag The Greens and Te Pati Maori into a force to provide for some sort of sustainable future. The new three-headed mess we have as a substitute for responsible government is no more the way toward a sustainable future as was the last government, but alternating between the two is not ‘lurching from left to right’. It simply cements in place the power of neoliberalism with its inherent grotesque wealth and income disparities and social and environmental collapse. Actually, there is a ‘clear ‘left-wing’ doctrine’ to emerge in resent times, it’s just that it is not being acknowledged by the media here. It is variously referred to as the doughnut economy or the de-growth economic model. Again, I’m sure the younger generations will instinctively pick up on this when their world starts to become untenable.

  3. “Most Kiwis want a peaceful, creative and prosperous country; flourishing waterways and landscapes, and infrastructure and institutions that work well, not radical disparities of wealth and power, divisive posturing and populist rhetoric.”

    How very true. That being so, wouldn’t the very FIRST thing that any new government would attend to would be to clean up the sewerage that is poisoning what was once our “supercity”? (Once and for all!)
    https://www.nzherald.co.nz/nz/safeswim-lists-36-auckland-beaches-unsafe-to-swim-in-on-boxing-day/7YALZBA6KZF6LIS7ZGPEUMG2ZQ/
    Instead we seem to be lost in a toxic smog of that ‘populist rhetoric’, with not yet any way out.

    1. Those unsafe beaches, where our children are swimming in sewerage?
      At the moment the govt are passing the buck as fast as if it were a scorching piece of over-cooked bbq’d steak: https://www.newshub.co.nz/home/new-zealand/2023/12/nicola-willis-says-councils-responsible-for-sewerage-management-as-most-auckland-beaches-unsafe-to-swim-on-27c-day.html
      (While in opposition, didn’t she blame Labour for this?)
      I would like to put this government on one of their own prescribed 90 Day Trials! Either they start taking responsibility for the BASICS, or they’re out. Wouldn’t any employer do the same?

  4. Thanks Anne for an insightful read. As with the sentiments expressed above I have for many years felt there will be no progress as long as the leadership team in the beehive, all 120+ of them, assume the roles of opposing teams, often purely because they as individuals are made to commit to the party line, even when they personally do not believe in a policy. The events in syria, gaza, a number of african states, myanmar etc are brutal examples of what we humans are capable of when we take on team colours & recite all manner of us/them mantras. For me this is even reflected in indulgences such as national anthems. As a grandparent of 4 moko, I shall look to ensure I pitch my vision to the potential positive outcomes, but it means I have to stay involved & not be so arrogant as to think that as a baby boomer I have done my bit so don’t have to stay engaged on the changing world around me, ngā mihi nui, may you have a superb 2024

  5. “this poses a risk to democracy in New Zealand.”

    I do think that democracy here in Aotearoa NZ is, to some extent, in jeopardy. However MMP is surely not the culprit, nor even a main contributing factor. (JMO)
    It would be of value if we were to begin a serious conversation about those factors which are threatening our democratic representation, our democratic freedoms and institutions. This cannot be covered in just one or two media articles and interviews – there needs to be a more serious, in-depth, longer term consideration of all that plays into this.

    It would include such things as political lobbying, party donations, allowable budgets for electioneering, ‘spin doctoring’, and a range of other questions. For example, if one party is offering “tax cuts” to a section of the population, to what extent could that be considered a bribe in return for ‘turning a blind eye’ when rather egregious laws are enacted – laws designed to cause harm to another section of the population (for example).

    I also think that there should be certain proscribed limits to what any government is allowed to do. In particular, regarding changes that could undermine the democratic process, but also in other spheres, including environmental.

  6. You say: “Voters are also confused and conflicted, looking for clear-cut choices (left vs right; Māori vs Pākehā) or someone to blame (biased media or business lobbyists, ‘woke’ intellectuals or neo-liberal think tanks, take your pick).”
    Some may indeed be, but I’m NOT confused and/or conflicted and I find it patronising that you make such a blanket characterisation of voters. I’m of both pakeha and Maori descent, have a higher degree and been an academic (among other things), and up until the last election have voted Labour all my life (I’m 76). I agree with Bill Hales that there has been no clear left-wing doctrine to emerge here, just a mish-mash of neo-Marxist critical theory masquerading as policy that resulted in the train-crash of the last Labour government. This was what led me to change a life-times allegiance to Labour and make a difficult but well-considered choice to vote for one of the coalition partners on the strength of their policies. Perhaps I’m not typical but I live in a small country town and know many others who followed the same path.

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